Until recently, the figure of Stalin in the public Russian space remained marginal, but in Republic of Dagestan, the attitude towards the Stalin has always been special. Here the face of Stalin can be found in the most unexpected places: on the self-organized alley of Makhachkala, in courtyards, in schools, on the facade of one of the universities and even at public transport stops. The symbolic pantheon of Dagestan consists mainly of two historical figures — Imam Shamil and Stalin. It is noteworthy that the memory of Stalin is especially supported by grassroots initiatives.Despite a dozen new monuments, there is still no articulated position on the issue of Soviet heritage on the part of the official authorities. Such evasiveness makes Stalin a figure of silence, maintaining his existence largely thanks to private initiatives.The presence of the Generalissimo in the memorial culture of the North Caucasus is explained in different ways. For example, the figure of Stalin can justify an authoritarian system of government, express dissatisfaction with local authorities and even declare their nationalist ambitions. The latter concerns the "red terror" against the Terek Cossacks and the deportation of the Nakh peoples, which allowed the resettlement of Dagestanis to the villages of Nogai, Kizlyar and Tarumovsky districts. It was under Soviet rule that the territory of Dagestan increased significantly. The national narrative in Russia about Victory Day, which has become the main holiday of the country, only strengthens Stalin's position.

 

Despite the accelerated urbanization of Makhachkala, the republic remains a periphery, the dominant population of which are villagers with a patriarchal lifestyle. The concentration of clan power, uneven distribution of resources and religious conflicts only exacerbate the economic situation. Joining the top three regions that are most dependent on federal subsidies does not allow for accelerated improvement in the quality of life. The specifics of the region also leave an imprint on the protest vocabulary. For the older generation, references to the ultraconservative figure of the leader remain the most acceptable expression of discontent. Such Soviet nostalgia for the late Stalinist times is characteristic not only for the aged communists. Human rights activist and dissident Viktor Nekipelov, after leaving the camps during the perestroika period (from 1985 until 1991), drew attention to a new wave of sympathy for Stalin among young people who did not find either the 1930s or the 1940s. In his work "Stalin on the Windshield," he remarked: "Paradoxically, this is also a protest, a protest against the current mismanagement and collapse, it's like a longing for order, for a better, meaningful and reasonable life. It is a symbol, a cruel grotesque that further emphasizes the ugliness of our life today, it is a warning sign, like a red arrow on a pressure gauge, which says that it is impossible to continue like this and it is time to change something."

 

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